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Thursday, November 11, 2010

When Words Wound


What would scar you more, a stinging slap or a wounding word? Please pause a minute to consider the question before you move on.

The freedom to offend and insult has been championed by many as a logical extension of the right to free speech and expression. They consider it obvious that if a view challenges an existing practice or belief, it has the potential of offending someone somewhere. It is, therefore, argued that freedom of speech would be an empty principle if it did not also provide the freedom to offend.

However, while offending speech is sacred, the argument goes on, physical violence is abhorrent.

In this argument, if someone is hurt at something that is said, it is his problem. He is too thin-skinned, not sufficiently versed in the art of democratic practice, not sure enough of his ground to engage meaningfully in a conversation, not cognisant that all desirable change in society has required someone to be offended or insulted. He should go and fix himself. Law should stay out of it.

But if someone hurts another with his hands, he is a brute and a thug, not sufficiently versed in the art of democratic practice, not sure enough of his ground to engage meaningfully in a conversation, not cognisant that physical violence cannot bring anything desirable into existence. We should go and fix him, using the power of law and the state.

What would scar you more, a stinging slap or a wounding word?

As you considered this question at the beginning of this article, as you relived your own experiences, you probably saw that words, uttered with sufficient malice, can hurt far more grievously than a raised hand would.

Why, then, the fond protectiveness for the hurtful word?

Could it be that the people who make the case for freedom for hurtful words do so because they are more skilled at using them than those they wish to defeat? If my preferred weapon is the word and someone else’s the hand, it is quite clever to tilt the field by making his weapon reprehensible and mine noble.

It doesn’t quite work like that, of course. The other side prefers to shift the battle to his familiar ground, the theatre of physical violence. They are both doing the same thing, seeking an advantage by employing their native skills. So, while the champion of free, hurtful speech cries himself hoarse over his right to do so over TV channels, the other person simply goes and beats up his target. The only voices they both hear are their own arguments for why they are right.

Is it possible, then, to consider a different, but by no means new, standard for freedom of speech? Of course, free speech must be protected, for it is the very basis of renewal and creativity in a society. In the process of being expressed, an idea may indeed offend, or hurt. But it must never be expressed with the intention of hurting or offending and certainly never with a sense of entitlement to do so.

It is unquestionably true that the right to tell our truth is fundamental to our well-being. Can we establish it as equally true that the very claim to a right to offend is abhorrent, just like a claim to a right to physical violence?

In civilised society, this standard has always existed. The values of practically every society, the precepts of practically every religion, exhort us to speak the truth, but speak it with care, lest we hurt. The celebration of the right to hurt is a very recent phenomenon, one that seems to seek only a personal satisfaction at insulting or hurting someone who does not agree with us, regardless of what it might mean for the actual resolution of the problem and conflicts in society.

On the other hand, when we seek change and press our cause firmly but give up the right to offend, a completely new dynamic arises. It is now possible to sincerely apologise if hurt does shows up because it wasn’t our intent to do so. It is possible to feel the pain that our words have caused because it wasn’t a part of what we expected to see. It is possible to rephrase what might have been uttered with insensitivity or lack of awareness of the other’s being. We may even discover that we are happy to modify what we said to accommodate an alternative view-point. It is a state of mind in which it is possible to realise that we both have a shared problem that needs to be solved, rather than each of us being a problem for the other.

None of this need, in any way, compromise the opposition to injustice, oppression or distorted traditions. It is short-sighted fallacy to believe that vigorous challenge to such practices cannot be mounted except through speech which hurts. And it is even more fallacious to believe that, if such hurt is inadvertently caused, we are powerless to assuage it without giving up our challenge. In fact, practically every one of us has experienced the power of a word to change us, when it comes from someone with affection, with concern and with serious intent.

When we challenge a practice, but reach out to the practitioner, we create the ground for a genuine meeting of minds. It adds a new dimension to dialogue, expanding it from “through words” (which is what dialogue literally means) to “through affection”.

And then, perhaps, neither the word, nor the hand need rise in anger.



Thursday, September 30, 2010

Look Before You Strike


As the country waits, apprehensively, for the Allahabad High Court decision on the Babri Masjid case, and conversations are focussed on it, my mind goes back to several stories I read as a child about Shri Krishna.

Two of them are worth recounting.

In the first, Shri Krishna kills Shishupala, a long-time enemy and detractor, when he abuses him for the 101st time, having crossed the limit of 100 insults that Shri Krishna has promised He will forgive.

In the second, Shri Krishna miraculously arranges for an arrow of Arjuna, to whom he is the charioteer, to cut off the head of Sudhanva, an ardent devotee and worshipper of His. Sudhanva, a prince, has come out to fight Arjuna on principle, because he refuses to accept the Pandava’s hegemony, being imposed through a Rajsuya Yagya.

In each case, one that of an enemy and the other that of a devotee, a luminosity (soul?) from the dying man enters Shri Krishna, to be merged with Him, in a final release from the cycle of birth and death (Moksha).

In several other stories of Shri Krishna, a similar “sadgati” is afforded to those who are killed by Him.

Shri Krishna is Jagadguru (the Teacher of the Universe) and Purnavatara (the Complete Incarnation), so presumably his life offers pointers to how we might live our lives. Since He is supremely effective, it also presumably offers an inkling of how we might succeed in our missions.

In several conversations and in slogans, I have heard this interpretation of the message of the Bhagwad Gita: faced with a duty to protect Dharma, use of force is sanctioned by the Lord. Indeed, He incarnates Himself to ensure that the evil-doers are punished, even exterminated.

The stories narrated above, it seems to me, add another dimension to that message.

A merging of the very essence of our existence is the ultimate testimony of togetherness. We are not separate, the Lord seems to say to Shishupala, his enemy. You are Me, and I will demonstrate it literally by merging Myself with you.

We can be squeamish about just eating from someone’s plate, even a friend’s. The Lord takes Shishupala into Himself, in an extraordinary statement of acceptance.

What is the state of mind which, at the point of using overwhelming, exterminating force, is so completely free of anger and fear that it can see no separateness from the target of that violence? What is the nature of the action that precedes, suffuses and follows the violent act when the mind is in this state?

For those of us who look to the Bhagvad Gita as a beacon, might we consider Shri Krishna’s lead? Might we seek, as a pre-condition to any action, a state of mind that is free of separateness, free of anger, willing to embrace the other, in the certain knowledge that being otherwise can only bring further misery?